![]() ![]() Some unofficial phone apps appear to be using GameFAQs as a back-end, but they do not behave like a real web browser does.Using GameFAQs regularly with these browsers can cause temporary and even permanent IP blocks due to these additional requests. If you are using Maxthon or Brave as a browser, or have installed the Ghostery add-on, you should know that these programs send extra traffic to our servers for every page on the site that you browse.The most common causes of this issue are: The lessons of this history are universal.Your IP address has been temporarily blocked due to a large number of HTTP requests. One of its great achievements is the way in which the author lays out the small steps by which otherwise good and decent men (with one or two exceptions) shuffled knowingly down the dark and shady path of criminality. It is for this reason that Emery's book is not merely an account of dirty politics long ago and far away it is a book for our time and place. This has never been the preserve of America, and every nation that is dedicated to the rule of law must deal with it. The ultimate dilemma revealed by the Watergate scandal is the constant tension between the high and the low in politics. Nothing better describes the political turmoil known as Watergate - the courts, the Congress and the presidency locked in mortal combat, each pursuing its own institutional interest. To their way of thinking, the best way to make sure that the great departments of government would check and balance each other was to make sure that 'ambition must be made to counteract ambition', that the 'interests of a man must be connected to the powers of the place'. When they sought to separate the powers of governance - the legislative, the executive and the judicial - they did not assume the moral superiority of those who would come to hold office. As a result, they built their constitution to be sturdy enough to take all democracy could give it. James Madison, writing in The Federalist, for example, warned that: 'enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm' and the bets were safe that there would always be 'those who would practise with success the vicious arts by which elections are too often carried'. They had no delusions about popular government. The misadventures of the Nixon administration in Watergate would no doubt have disappointed, but surely would not have shocked those who wrote and ratified the American constitution. This may be the most enduring lesson to be learned about American history from this excellent book. That the cover-up began instantly and deliberately, and with Richard Nixon's full support, can no longer be doubted. Moreover, there is little doubt that those at the highest levels of the White House - John Ehrlichman and H R Haldeman - were aware of, and provided financial backing for, the break-in itself. For example, it is clear that the White House was involved in a programme of 'dirty tricks' to a much greater degree and much earlier than originally thought. As a result of Emery's original research we now know a great deal more than we did before. All of this is sorted out and drawn upon to telling effect by Emery, but he offers more than a mere rehash of what has already been written. Immediately after the resignation of the President and the imprisonment of his closest aides there was a flood of books no one involved in the scandal missed the chance to tell - and sell - his tale, although one would be hard-pressed to claim objectivity for any of them. Two decades provide a high ground from which to view it all, and Fred Emery uses it to full advantage. The country and its politics have never been quite the same. The train of events from the break-in to Nixon's resignation in 1974, in the face of sure impeachment, brought into sharp focus all that is good and bad in American politics. As Fred Emery makes clear, what happened 20 years ago was surely a transformative moment in American politics. Given the range of his achievements, Watergate will eventually be looked upon as just a footnote to Nixon's public life. The bungled break-in at the Democratic National Committee offices in the Watergate office building on 17 June 1972 and the subsequent sprawling cover-up were as a single episode in Richard Nixon's long and productive life, as the tributes that followed his recent death have shown. There is, of course, a fundamental unfairness to this tendency this is especially true of Richard Nixon and Watergate. The more controversial the event, the more compressed the life associated with it often becomes. Such compression makes the sprawl of human events orderly, it makes history manageable. THERE is an unfortunate tendency in the writing of history to reduce the lives of historically significant people to readily identifiable events with which they were linked. ![]()
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